Holocaust Denial Essay Example for Free

Holocaust Denial Essay The holocaust is the term used to describe the period of persecution and extermination of European Jews by Nazi Germany. During this period, an estimated six million Jews were murdered in a series of state-sponsored killings. This was a culmination of a Nazi policy which was â€Å"the final solution to the Jewish question† (Michman, 2003) Why did Nazis Hate Jews? The Nazis hatred for Jews had been in existence for a long time, but it is after the World War 1 that it intensified. Prior to that, there had been strong feelings of anti-Semitism in Europe, mainly from the Christians. This is because of the Jews reluctance to embrace Christianity and their stubborn adherence to Judaism. (Israel G. 1990) After the First World War in which German lost, Hitler sought to find a plausible explanation for their defeat. Since at the time most banks and financial institutions were run by Jews, the Nazis blamed then for not availing enough funds for the war. They were viewed as being tight-fisted, corrupt and vile people, who could do nothing but destroy. This aroused feelings of hatred for the population, and the Nazi regime went on churning propaganda that blamed all of Germany’s problems on the Jews. (William, 1995) From another angle, the Jews were generally viewed as being an inferior race to the Aryans. Hitler believed that Aryans were the master race and even made a table of sorts which classified the races according to superiority in genes, with Aryans at the top, and Jews, Gypsies and Blacks at the bottom . The Nazis therefore saw the need to eliminate them from Europe to avoid weakening the racial purity of the Aryans (William, 1995) Holocaust Denial Holocaust denial is a term used to refer to the movement which seeks to deny that the holocaust really happened, and if it did, whether it occurred in the manner and scale that historians claim it did. It is a movement especially active in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. However, the first people who sought to deny that the holocaust ever happened were the Nazis themselves. They attempted to destroy all evidence and even denied the proof that was presented at the Nuremberg trial. The organized version of the movement called Holocaust Revisionism was founded in 1979, by Willis Carto, founder Liberty Lobby, an anti-Semitic organization in America, when he incorporated the Institute of Historical Review. He is quoted as saying History is far too important to be left to history professors, pundits and politicians. History is power The leading activists for the IHR include Mark Weber, Bradley Smith and Fred Leuchter in the United States, Ernst Zundel in Canada, David Irving in England, Robert Faurisson in France, Carlo Mattogno in Italy and Ahmed Rami in France. However, among these, Bradley Smith, the self-styled director for the Committee for Open Debate on the Holocaust, CODOH, has been the most visible in the United States. He has placed series of ads in college newspapers since 1991 on behalf of CODOH. In one such ad, Bradley promises a $50,000 to anyone who can convince a radio station to air a ninety minute video to show that the holocaust was a hoax. The IHR also writes a journal called the Journal of Historical Review and holds annual conferences, which are used as vehicles for holocaust denial. http://www. adl. org/holocaust/introduction. asp The revisionists offer the following arguments to prove that the holocaust is a farce. First of all, they claim that there is no single document which has been identified, which expressly shows a master plan for the execution of Jews. This, according to them, is proof that the whole idea of Jewish annihilation is a creation by the Jews to gain sympathy from the world. ( http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html) Secondly, there were no gas chambers at Auschwitz and the other camps, so the allegations of people being gassed to death are mere lies. There are no documents about gas chambers of any kind anywhere so no mass murder of Jews in gas chambers took place. (http://www. jewishvirtuallibrary. org/jsource/Holocaust/denial. html) Another reason why they deny the holocaust is because they purport that the scholars rely on the subjective testimonies of alleged â€Å"survivors†. These testimonies are highly biased and because there is no supporting documentation proving the genocide, these accounts can only be taken to be false. (Raul, 1985) The revisionists also claim that there was no net loss in the Jewish population in Europe between 1941 and 1945; therefore the claim that 6million Jews were killed cannot be true. According to them, there were not even enough Jews in Europe to account for the 6million victims. ( http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html) Furthermore, according to the revisionists, the Nuremberg trials were stage managed in favor of the Jews. They were a sham and were just held so that Jews could benefit from the sympathy they aroused. To further strengthen their arguments, the holocaust deniers have posed a series of questions that put in doubt the truth about the events that took place during the holocaust. To start with, they ask; it is said that the gas chambers were ventilated, and if so, wouldn’t the gas have killed the people outside as well. Since this didn’t happen, then surely, there was no such thing as Zyklon-B used to gas people to death. The next question is, if as many as 6million people were killed and cremated, then where did all the ash go to. It should be so much going by the numbers, and going by what is available now, the numbers must grossly be exaggerated. ( http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html) Moreover, Zyklon-B, which was allegedly used had to be dropped into the chambers by people, so, the people would have died from the gas themselves, wouldn’t they? In addition, how come the eyewitnesses to the gassings survived, why didn’t the Nazis eliminate them since they knew so much. That is not all; there was a swimming pool at Auschwitz, this means that the people there lived in luxury, so this could nit have been an extermination camp. Also, the death lists from there do not show that any person was gassed, and the number of people who died there was very small. Finally, since much of the area around Auschwitz has a high water table, then the said burning of the bodies in ditches could not be possible. (http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html) Some of the revisionists also pose counter-statements against the evidence given by the survivors. In regard to the deaths in Treblinka, the victims were said to have been killed using diesel fumes; so the revisionists say that fumes from a diesel engine are not enough to kill a person. This implies that the people could not have died as a result of inhaling the fumes. The doors of the gas chambers which used the engine exhausts would not withstand the pressure of the gas accumulating inside, which would lead to an explosion; how come that did not happen? ( http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html) In one of the most controversial denials, the revisionists assert that the Anne Frank diary was a fabrication written by someone else who wanted to further the Jews agenda. Did the Holocaust really happen? For every claim made by the revisionists, evidence has been produced to prove that the genocide actually happened. The Nazi regime itself had documents that clearly pointed out to their intention to massacre the Jews. Although they destroyed much of the documents, some remnants were later recovered. (Lucy, 1975)The evidence available includes written documents in terms of letters, memos, blueprints, orders, bills, speeches, articles, memoirs and confessions. There are accounts given by eyewitnesses, who include survivors, Jewish Sonderkommandoes, SS guards, commandants, local townspeople and some of the Nazis. (Michael et. Al, 1997) Indisputable evidence can also be gleaned from photographs taken by the military, press, civilians and survivors. Some of the camps where the mass murders took place still exist, some in almost original state. Inferential evidence is also available in form of population demographics which confirms the change in Jewish population. Therefore, it can be concluded that the evidence of the holocaust is so compelling that we cannot deny that it took place. (Michael et. al, 1997) REFERENCES http://www. jewishvirtuallibrary. org/jsource/Holocaust/denial. html http://www. adl. org/holocaust/introduction. asp http://www. remember. org/History. root. rev. html Israel G. (1990), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Volume 2, New York Lucy D. (1975) The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945, New York Michman, D (2003). Holocaust Historiography: A Jewish Perspective: Conceptualizations, Terminology, Approaches, and Fundamental Issues. London Michael S. and Alex G, (1997) Denying History Who Says the Holocaust Never Happened and Why do they Say it? † University of California Press Raul H. (1985) The Destruction of the European Jews (Student Edition), New York William L. P (1995) Novelist of Hate, ADL Research Report. Brugioni, D. A. , Robert G. P. (1979) The Holocaust Revisited: A Retrospective Analysis of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Extermination Complex. (Central Intelligence Agency, Washington, D. C. )

Disclosure of material facts by proposer of insurance Essay Example for Free

Disclosure of material facts by proposer of insurance Essay A fact is considered to be material as per the provisions of Section 18(2) of the Marine Insurance Act 1906 if it would influence the judgment of a prudent insurer in fixing the premium, or determining whether he will take the risk. This rule applies is also applicable to non-marine insurance and despite the proposals of the Law Commission not being addressed to marine insurance, undoubtedly the decisions of the courts on disclosure of hull risks will have repercussions for householders. The degrees of influence are given below. The three degrees of influence. (A) Information type A is so material that the insurer, if he had known about it would have refused to enter the contract or in the alternative the insurer would have made further investigations resulting in refusal to do so. (B) Information type B consists of facts, which if the insurer had been aware of, would have resulted in the insurer’s making the contract of insurance but on quite different terms especially in respect of premium or conduction of a further investigations leading to insurance on a different set of terms altogether. The proposer has to reveal the material facts known to him whilst proposing insurance. However, in Berger Ltd. v. Pollock , non-disclosure of certain information, was held to be immaterial because the judge was far from satisfied that, if the undisclosed matters had been fully reported and explained to these underwriters, they would in fact have declined to accept this declaration under open cover or have sought to vary its terms or to require an increased rate of premium. (C) Information type C is that information, whose knowledge would have made the insurer consider it relevant but would not have resulted in the insurer’s refusal of the contract or insistence on different terms. It is information, which though affecting his judgment would have, in conjunction with other facts, had they been present, would have resulted in a different contract, but, which of its own accord, would not have affected the particular contract or its terms. This is the present position in England and is the consequence of the judgments of the Court of Appeal in CTI v. Oceanus . It has been suggested that this case propels English law in the direction suggested by the Law Commission. However, the Court of Appeal’s objective was to respect the Courts view of precedent. The reality is that the Court has succeeded in distancing the law from precedent, principle and the interests of the assured. This decision has met with almost universal concern and disappointment. CTI v. Oceanus CTI entered into an insurance contract successively with A, B and Oceanus. A and B being dissatisfied with the claims experience wanted a change in the terms of cover which were not acceptable to CTI . Hence, CTI insured with Oceanus on the basis of an account of their past claims record which, was not complete or entirely fair and accordingly Oceanus endeavoured to avoid the policy for misrepresentation and non-disclosure. Lloyd J. held that, even in the event of disclosure of all the relevant information the insurer would have made this contract on the same terms and that such information, which could be classified as belonging to type C, not being material, the contract could not be avoided. On appeal the Court held that the undisclosed information was to be classified as type B and not type C and therefore the decision at first instance had to be reversed resulting in the avoidance of the insurance. Nevertheless, the Court also stated obiter but after hearing argument, that there is no requirement that the particular insurer should have been induced to take the risk or charge a lower premium than he would otherwise have done as a result of the non-disclosure. The consequence of all this is that information of type C in English law is material and its concealment enables the insurer to avoid the contract of insurance, without any reservations in respect of commercial insurance and most likely in other lines too. It was hinted by Kerr L. J. that this rule might differ in respect of consumer insurance but the Law Commission has refused to countenance a special rule for consumers. Practicality. First, despite the absence of an absolute standard, the test of materiality is that of the prudent insurer, which is an objective test controlled and applied by the court on the basis of expert evidence. This is similar to that of a reasonable man in tort. In the parlance of insurance practice this test of a prudent insurer is no more a genuine inquiry into a particular person’s mind than it is in relation to the other reasonable or prudent persons who populate the rules of law to legitimise the dominant role of the judge. Secondly, despite the objective nature of the materiality test, it is not understandable as to why it is easier and therefore more pragmatic and definite to state that a fact has some influence or is of the type C, rather than to state that it has a decisive influence or that it can be classified as type A or type B. Thirdly, if the proposer has to perforce disclose information of the type C, then there is the further objection that probable assureds will be better off by exercising caution and not taking any risks by indulging in a total disclosure. The decision in CTI v. Oceanus does not take into cognizance the basic nature of misrepresentation and non-disclosure as connoting something that vitiates consent, in this case the consent of the insurer. It becomes to accept that the consent of the insurer was vitiated and that consequently the contract should be avoided, if the insurer would have made the same contract on the same terms, despite the lack of misrepresentation or disclosure.

Different Scientific Theories For Drugs And Crime Criminology Essay

Different Scientific Theories For Drugs And Crime Criminology Essay There are many different social scientific theories about the ever debated issue of the relationship between drugs and crime. The book highlights a few of the major social scientific theoretical perspectives. Although there are many different arguments as to the nature of the correlation, the one thing that is certain is that there is a significant relationship between drug use and crime. The first group of perspectives are from ethnographic and role theory analyses. They see the drug and crime relationship as being associated with subcultures more than directly causal of each other. Society would term these subculture behaviors as extremely deviant. This includes high frequencies of drug use, high crime rates, and high-risk sexual behavior. These are viewed as an integral part of the societal role of a typical street level drug-user. This perspective argues that drug use and crime are mutually reinforcing, not directly linear in cause. Another perspective comes from the ecological theoretical analysis. It argues that the relationship between drugs and crime are because the two activities happen in similar environmental conditions. These conditions include lack of social control, poverty, and economic opportunity. This perspective argues that crime is spuriously related to drug use. The final interpretation is the radical theory. This perspective says that the relationship between drugs and crime is a production of governmental legal policy since 1914, which criminalized many drug using behaviors. These theorists argue that the drug-crime relationship can be fought with the decriminalization of drugs, as well as treating drug use and addictions through social help programs. It is impossible to pinpoint the exact cause of the drug-crime relationship. But by using several different theories, such as the previous mentioned ones, it is possible to begin to develop an idea of the root cause. It is important to remember that one theory may not fit every single situation, but a group of well thought out theories can help us better explain the overall relationship of a particular problem. Chapter 1: Question 3 The Goldstein model is a framework for the linkage between drugs and crime. It attempts to explain the three different causes of violence that is linked with drugs. These three different classifications are; the psychopharmacological explanation, the economic-compulsive explanation, and the systematic explanation. Drug use is proven to be a major factor in crime in many cases. The majority of prisoners in the United States are there because of drugs, whether that be selling or using. The Goldstein model gets down to the bare minimum of how drugs affect violent crime. The first classification is the psychopharmacological violence. In this group, the violence that is committed happens because of the direct effects of a psychoactive drug on a user. This is not motivated by anything except for the compulsive effects of the drug. Drugs cause the body to act differently than normal. Some drugs cause the body to become mellow and calm, while others cause the body to lash out in fits of rage. The majority of people view psychopharmacological violence as mainly due to alcohol rather than any other drugs. The next classification for the drug-crime connection is the economic-compulsive violence. This happens when offenders commit an offense for the purpose of raising money to support their drug habit. Studies show that this classification is especially true for heroin addicts, but that it can be prevalent in other drugs as well. One of the major economic crimes committed for these drug addicts is drug dealing. Drug dealing is an easy way for the addicts to make enough money to support their habit, and at the same time they can keep some of the drugs for themselves. The final classification is the systematic violence. This violence happens in the course of struggles for market power. These drug markets have a high propensity for violence, whether that be from other dealers (turf war) or the buyers. A more in depth view of the violence in drug markets reveals that there are four factors that contribute to the violence. These are: the youth of the participants (youths are naturally more violent), the value of the drugs themselves (killing the buyer allows you to keep their money and still have your drugs), the intensity of law enforcement (potential police informants), and the indirect consequence of drug use (drug users are inclined to more violence due to the drug use). Chapter 2: Question 3 According to Andrew Golub and Bruce D. Johnson there are four phases of epidemics. They argue that drug epidemics usually will follow predictable steps. Their model was originally used to study the Crack Epidemic, but has gone on to be used to study the Heroin Injection Epidemic and the Marijuana Epidemic as well. The four steps are: the incubation phase, the expansion phase, the plateau phase, and the decline phase. The incubation phase is based on the idea that drug epidemics usually grow out of an individual social context (heroin from the jazz era and crack from inner-city drug dealers). During this incubation phase, the new drug practice is developed and perfected among a small group of adult drug users. Research suggests that the new fascination with marijuana was because of the youth inner-city hip-hop movement. They praised marijuana use in songs, clothing, and other venues. The next phase is the expansion phase. In this phase, the drug use spreads rapidly among subcultures. These subcultures are usually newly emerging who embrace the new drug use as hip and their thing. In the crack and heroin epidemics, this expansion phase took place among adults. Only after it spread through the adults was it embraced by youth. In contrast, the marijuana epidemic was first spread among youth. Next is the plateau phase of the drug epidemic. This stage is defined by youths becoming adults and wanting to get involved with the widespread drug of choice, currently that is marijuana. The rate of use of the drug of choice would be at high levels. The rate would be stable at this high rate and even slowly increasing. The final phase is the decline phase. This is just how it sounds. The rate of use for the specific drug would be declining overall, even rapidly declining. These four phases give an outline for the life of a drug epidemic. It is not necessarily a rule, but a general guideline for these epidemics. Chapter 2: Question 4 The gateway theory is a popular theory of drug addiction. It is widely accepted as true in many circles. It is based on the fact that a lot of research has shown that many American youths, who are involved in substance use and abuse, usually have a progression to their substance abuse. This progression of substance use involves four stages: the nonuse stage, alcohol/tobacco stage, marijuana stage, and finally harder drugs such as cocaine and heroin. The research shows that youths who do not use certain substances in one stage, rarely use the harder drugs in the later stages. However it does not say that every single user at one stage will necessarily progress to the next. This theory has produced the label of gateway drugs for substances such as alcohol, marijuana, and even tobacco. Current policies seek to prevent, or at least delay as long as possible, the youth from using gateway drugs. This is in hopes that if youth do not use gateway drugs, they wont move on to harder, more seri ous, drugs. This theory is not necessarily a strong theory. There have been several studies suggesting that this gateway progression may not be very relevant to mainstream youth of today or to inner-city populations. A study from the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse found that youths coming of age during the 1990s were highly unlikely to progress from the gateway drug, marijuana, to cocaine (powder and crack) or heroin. This was compared to youths born previously in decades before. This leads researchers to believe that substance abuse among youth reflects cultural, or even subcultural, norms among the youth. It suggests that substance abuse is acceptable or unacceptable among youth cultures, and that this cultural norm will reflect substance abuse. These cultural norms vary over time and locations as well. This theory has some credibility, but it is important to realize that theories may be strong one year, but may be weakened by cultural influences the next. Cultures progress and change over time, so it is impossible to assume that trends and patterns will not change as well. Chapter 3: Question 2 According to Lisa Maher and Kathleen Daly, the basic structure of New York City crack markets is an organized system of distribution. This is in contrast to the commonly characterized unregulated markets of individual crack dealers trying to get rich by themselves as crack entrepreneurs. The research suggests that as soon as there is a high enough demand for the crack, the individual freelancers are taken over by a more organized system for distribution. This is evidenced by the crack epidemic in New York City during the late 1980s. During that time many of the neighborhoods had highly organized street-level drug markets. These markets were dependent on each other and they had a hierarchical structure of organization. The organizational structure is much like that of the mafia, a highly organized street gang, or a Fortune-500 business. The drug business owners had many different crew bosses and managers or lieutenants. These managers were in charge of relaying orders from the owners to the street-level employees. They had the responsibility to organize and deliver all the necessary supplies and also for collecting the money made by the street-level workers. These managers could hire, fire, and pay the workers as they saw fit. They also handled problems the lower level employees had with each other or even the upper management. The next level down in the organizational structure, after the managers, crew bosses, or lieutenants; was the street-level drug dealers. These dealers had a specific area that they were in charge of selling to. The dealers were assisted in any way needed by the lower-level members; such as the runners, look-outs, and enforcers. The runners are responsible for having a continuous supply going to the dealers. The look-outs were in charge of warning the dealer of immanent threats (i.e. cops). And the enforcers were in charge of maintaining order, whether by force or presence. This system of drug dealing was extremely organized and sophisticated. It made it a serious problem for law enforcement officials to fight the already impossible war on drugs. This system made it possible for the drug companies to run smoothly and efficiently. Chapter 4: Question 3 In the article Street Youth and Criminal Violence Stephen W. Baron and Timothy F. Hartnagel offer three possible theories that explain youth violence. It is important to understand different possible explanations of youth violence because the criminal justice system needs to know the root cause in order to develop prevention strategies. The theories are the street subculture and lifestyle theory, the economic deprivation theory, and the routine activities theory. The street subculture and lifestyle theory is a popular explanation for violence among youths. It says that peer groups and role models glorify violent behavior rather than shunning it. The highest rates of violence are located in neighborhoods where violent role models are everywhere, such as inner-city neighborhoods with high rates of gang violence. This perspective argues that criminal acts are almost essential to the cultures and subcultures of the street, which slowly make violence more and more acceptable in youths. The economic deprivation theory argues that violent behavior is rooted in inequality, uneven distribution of wealth, and the deprivation of the have-nots compared to the haves. The degree of inequality is all a matter of perception by the individual. If the individual has a negative view of others compared to himself, this will create feelings of resentment and bitterness. These feelings can be manifested in expressions of violence and crime. The routine activities theory suggests that just presenting someone with the opportunity to commit crime can lead to increase in crime, completely dependent of social or structural conditions. This perspective says that violent street crime is merely a product opportunities that are presented to individuals in the daily life on the street. These perspectives differ because they each attribute the root cause of crime to different factors. In the street subculture theory, the crime is attributed to cultural norms, role models, and peer influence. In the economic deprivation theory, crime is attributed to financial unhappiness. In the routine activities theory, crime is attributed to the availability to commit the crime. All three of these perspectives probably are mostly truth, so it is wise to look at all three of them from a broad encompassing perspective. Chapter 4: Question 1 There are many etiological factors that predict young adult drug use and delinquency. These factors are not 100% accurate all of the time, but they serve as a means to help direct prevention and detection efforts. The causal factors are concluded from survey data taken of youth in high school. There are some obvious causal factors to youth delinquency and drug use and some not so obvious ones. There is a gender gap that is noticeable in this data as well. In the data, one of the obvious results was that a significantly smaller proportion of youth had committed a delinquent act in the twelve months prior to the survey than compared to their lifetimes. It also found that women were less likely to get involved in delinquent activities initially, but that after they were involved they were just as likely as men to remain persistent in delinquent acts. Another interesting finding was that about 50% of the individuals who admitted to committing an offense in their lifetime also did so in the previous twelve months leading up to the interview. One consistent finding was the persistence of participation in delinquent acts. If an individual committed an act once, they were much more likely to commit more delinquent acts in the future. The trend of committing delinquent acts differs from the trend of involvement in illegal drugs among youth. For example, persistent use of illegal drugs is much more likely than persistent commission of delinquent acts. Also, the proportion of continual illegal drug users is much lower for women than for men. Women are also much less likely to become initially involved and then to remain persistent users of illegal drugs than men. The disparity between men and women has always been large when it comes to crime. This can be due to a number of reasons. The first potential explanation for the disparity could be that the Criminal Justice System is more lenient on women than on men. Another possible, and statistically proven, explanation is that men are just proportionately over involved in crime compared to women. Whatever the reason, we know for sure that women are less likely to be involved in crime and illegal drugs. Chapter 5: Question 1 An interesting phenomenon has developed over the past twenty to thirty years in the Criminal Justice System. The prison population has more than tripled since the 1980s, while the crime rate has gone down drastically. It has especially dropped significantly since the early 1990s, yet the number of prisoners has steadily grown. There are a few different explanations for this seemingly out of control trend. Lana D. Harrison offers a well researched explanation of this phenomenon. She suggests that this wild rise in prison numbers can be attributed to policy changes and the war on drugs. In the early 2000s, over 2 million people were imprisoned in the United States. This is more than three times the number of prisoners that the United States had in the 1980s. Harrison argues that the majority of these drug prisoners were incarcerated in the 1980s at the beginning of the war on drugs. By 1996, 60% of the federal prisoners were imprisoned for drug offenses, 23% of state prisoners, and 22% of jail prisoners. The changing criminal justice process and new policies have contributed to this rise, including mandatory minimum sentences and the three-strikes laws. In the 1980s, the moral drug panics caused lawmakers to pass extremely strict drug laws. This in turn caused the dramatic increase in the numbers of drug prisoners across the board at all levels. Drug users who were incarcerated because of these stricter penalties went into prison addicted to drugs, and many times they also left prison addicted to drugs. These drug addicts returning to the communities returned no better than when they had gone to prison, still the same person, just older. Since these drug addicts had been to prison beforehand, they were much more likely to be convicted again for crimes they committed. This is a self perpetuating cycle which may be another explanation to the rising prison population. The rising prison population coupled with the decreasing crime rate is a much studied phenomenon in the criminal justice world. Harrison offers the explanation that it is due to the changing policies and the changes that took place in the criminal justice system itself. The war on drugs had far reaching consequences that caused a major crack down on drugs of all kinds, from the lowest of users to the most organized cartels. Chapter 5: Question 3 Douglas Longshore and his colleagues pose five different dimensions of the conceptual framework of drug courts. These dimensions include leverage, population severity, program intensity, predictability, and rehabilitation emphasis. Longshore suggests that the first two dimensions (leverage and population severity) of drug courts are structural characteristics. He says that the final three dimensions (program intensity, predictability, and rehabilitation emphasis) are characteristics of the process, which describe what occurs while offenders are processed through the drug courts. Leverage refers to the seriousness of penalties that offenders face who do not meet the requirements of programs and are dismissed from drug courts. When the participant completes all of the program requirements, the charge is reduced and even sometimes dropped completely. If the offender fails to complete the program, he or she may be sentenced and possibly incarcerated. Longshore suggests that the outcomes will be better when drug courts have more leverage (whether that be actual or just perceived) over the participants. The next structural characteristic is population severity, which refers to the difference in drug courts which are established to handle serious offenders as opposed to minor offenders, or the other way around. Other indicators of severity may include age, gender, or even employment history. Longshore says that courts set up to handle the more serious offenders will have less favorable outcomes. He does say however that there might be other less obvious dimensions that impact population severity as well. Program intensity refers to the requirements set out by the court for the completion of the drug court. These include urine tests, appearing in court, drug abuse classes and treatment. Optional requirements may be imposed as well such as employment, suitable living quarters, education, and paying fines. The next process characteristic is predictability, which refers to how the participant thinks the court will respond to their compliance or noncompliance. Predictability indicators may be drawn from court statistics and records. The final characteristic is rehabilitation emphasis. This is important when viewing the criminal justice system as rehabilitative instead of punishment focused. Rehabilitation is the focus of most drug courts. This emphasis can include how often the judge talks directly to and listens to the participant, time spent with the participant by all parties involved, and how close the participants sit in relationship to the bench. Longshore suggests that outcomes are better when drug courts are emphasized more on rehabilitation. Chapter 6: Question 1 Harm reduction is a goal for some policies and programs concerning drug abuse and other criminal issues. It is not a program in and of itself, but simply a goal of the programs. The two conflicting goals that divide peoples opinions are harm reduction and prohibition (demand and supply reduction). While prohibition seeks to completely do away with the illegal activity (alcohol, drugs, prostitution, etc.), harm reduction seeks to make those activities safer for the people who choose to participate in them. Harm reduction is seen by some people as the lesser of two evils. Peter Reuter and Robert J. MacCoun discuss the attempt at harm reduction with illegal drugs. People who hold the harm reduction point of view believe that it is more beneficial to reduce the harm done by illegal drugs than to try and do away with them altogether. The belief is that people will always be harming their bodies with drugs. The idea of harm reduction accepts this fact that people will always do drugs, and thus tries to make it safer for the people who choose to do so. This is a controversial policy, but may have more merit than it seems to have at face value. For example, in some countries public health services provide prescriptions for heroin users to obtain heroin legally. In some places, there are designated locations where heroin addicts can obtain and use heroin in a controlled and safe environment. Another example of harm reduction is needle exchange programs. These programs allow heroin addicts to exchange dirty needles for clean ones. This is in hopes of reducing the spreading of diseases, such as HIV and Hepatitis C, from one user to another. Proponents of harm reduction policies argue that it is much cheaper to provide these drug services to every single addict than to imprison the addict. They also say that by providing the drugs for the addicts, they reduce crime that the addict would need to commit in order to purchase the drugs for themselves. Opponents of harm reduction policies argue that making it safer (and thus easier) for addicts to use drugs will cause an increase in drug use. Chapter 6: Question 6 According to Philippe Bourgeois there are many different regional variations in using methadone as treatment. Methadone is a drug that is used to treat opiate (such as morphine or heroin) addicts. The addicts are given the methadone in small doses to help reduce withdrawal symptoms, and in large doses to block the high that opiates give the user. This method of treatment is not accepted 100% in the United States. For example, in eight states methadone is illegal to use in the treatment of opiate addicts. Even in the rest of the states where it is legal, there are still many divergent opinions about the treatment. Bourgeois argues that this difference in opinions depends on the focus of medical and criminal justice establishments in an area, the amount of street addicts in an area, and the overall culture and politics of the region. Along the Eastern Seaboard of the United States, the overwhelming cultural view is that substance abuse is a biological disease that requires medical intervention. Methadone treatment is fairly easy to obtain in these areas. It is also a multi-million dollar industry (for both treatment and research) and has dozens of locations throughout the region. Many of these methadone clinics and research facilities are paid for by the government. San Francisco is in stark contrast to the Eastern Seaboard. This city is dominated by a more New Age type thinking. This culture honors a healthy and drug free person. Some people (conspiracy theorists) even argue that methadone treatment is genocide against non-white people. Because of these viewpoints held by a majority of the culture, methadone clinics are few and far between. The few clinics that are in this region have very strict entrance requirements to be admitted into their programs. Some of the facilities require proof (from medical, police, or other record) that the user has been addicted for over a year with previous failed detox attempts. They fear that some people who really arent addicted to opiates will sneak their way into the program, and consequentially become methadone addicts. Chapter 7: Question 7 According to Lise-Marie VanNostrand and Richard Tewksbury, individuals desire to operate illegal drug enterprises for three reasons. They discovered these three motives by interviewing 20 dealers who were in drug court program. The three reasons are financial need, greed, and addition to the lifestyle. Most of the drug dealers interviewed in this study began their dealing career with a single one of these motives, but slowly over time the three motives began to overtake them. Financial need is a very motivating need. This is what motivated some of the individuals to begin their life of dealing drugs. Many people feel like they have no other option to provide for their responsibilities than drug dealing. Some of the people interviewed said that they had a job, but that it just wasnt able to pay for all of their needs and so they began dealing drugs. The majority of people who said that financial need was their motivation to deal drugs had kids and a family to take care of. These individuals saw drug dealing as the fastest and sometimes the only way to provide their familys needs. Greed is also a strong motivation in some people. These people do not necessarily need more money to take care of their needs, but they crave more money to take care of luxuries. Many of the dealers in the study conducted said that drug dealing appealed to them because of the opportunity to make fast and easy money. They often had legitimate employment or even ran businesses, but the desire for money overtook them and led them down a road to drug dealing. These individuals usually did not need to maintain normal jobs for the money, but they maintained normal jobs as a front or sometimes just to have something to fall back on. An addiction to the drug dealing lifestyle is a unique motivation. Some dealers simply want to live a fast paced lifestyle or have popularity and power. These desires seemingly cannot be filled by legitimate jobs. Many of these individuals believe that they cannot achieve recognition or respect due to their perceived lack of skills or respectable attributes, and so they turn to dealing drugs as a means to earn that respect. After they begin their drug selling careers, they begin to have a self perception that everyone respects and admires them. This, coupled with the immense financial gains, is a self perpetuating cycle that leads them farther and farther into a life of drug dealing.

True Love in The Merchant of Venice Essay -- Merchant of Venice Essays

True Love in The Merchant of Venice      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Among the various themes presented in the Merchant of Venice the most important is the nature of true love.   The casket plot helps illustrate the theme.   Through a variety of suitors the descriptions of the caskets, Shakespeare shows the reader how different people view true love. He also shows what is most important to the suitors and in some cases it is not true love, but material things and outward appearance.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The first suitor who tries to win Portia's hand is the Prince of Morocco.   When he first arrives in Belmont, the reader can see how arrogant the prince is, He says, "The best regarded virgins of our clilme/ hath loved it too..." (2.1, 10-11).   He is referring to the color of his ski n that is black.   He is telling Portia that his complexion has won him many women and he is dressed in all white.   The fact that he is, suggests that he is only concerned with outward appearance, and not with more important things such as true love.   The Prince of Morocco's superficial nature shines through even more clearly when it comes time to choose the casket. He does not want to risk anything, and therefore; he does not choose the lead casket whose inscription tells the suitor he must give up everything. The Prince, after looking at the inscription of the gold casket, which read "'who chooseth me shall gain what many men desire'" (2.7, 37), decides that what he desires most is the Portia's hand so the gold must be the correct casket.   He insists that the gold casket is the one holding Portia's picture because she is so much worthier than the lead casket.   The Prince believes t... ...ove, however, is for Bassanio and she wants to marry him.   Bassanio, by choosing to risk everything he has, shows the effects that true love can have on someone.   True love can conquer any fears or apprehensions you may have. He was willing to risk everything he had in order to show his love for Portia.   In the play, Bassanio shows what true love really means and how one can not mistake outward appearances for true love.   Put succinctly, one can do nothing but agree with the adage love conquers all.    Works Cited and Consulted    Barnet Sylvan.   "Introduction." The Merchant of Venice Ed. Sylvan Barnet.   New   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Jersey : Prentice-Hall Inc., 1970.   1-10.    Granville-Barker, Harley.   "The Merchant of Venice.   " Shakespeare Ed. Leonard F. Dean.   Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1947.   37-71.   

A Day in the Life of a Migraine Sufferer :: Biology Essays Research Papers

A Day in the Life of a Migraine Sufferer Each year over twenty-six million people nation wide are affected by migraines. Once thought to be a concentration of evil spirits in the brain, common cures consisted of everything from drilling holes in the skull, to inserting garlic cloves into the temples(4). Today however, scientists realize that this all too common occurrence is actually a neurological disorder, which can result in the disability of its victim for hours or even days. I myself have been a constant sufferer of migraines since the age of ten. The following is the day in the life of a migraine sufferer: myself. I believe that the most appropriate place to begin is a brief look into my medical background. Since the age of ten I have constantly been struck with migraines, occurring more and more frequently as I age. Migraines can strike children as well as adults, however; typically the migraines become less frequent after early adulthood(3).Ninety percent of migraine sufferers also report having a family history of migraines, suggesting a genetic link(5).I, for example, know that both my father and grandmother to this day frequently have migraines and have since a very young age. Furthermore, even though I typically have at least one debilitating migraine per week, I am otherwise in perfect health. This is common among migraine sufferers; they are entirely healthy and therefore, cannot understand why they are showing such painful symptoms(3).Each day that I have I migraine it is a struggle to work, to move, sometimes even to breath. If caught in time, I can typically medicate myself before a full- blown migraine occurs, but often I realize to late what will soon occur. This was the case on April 1, 2001, when I received a classic migraine that left me in a state of suspended animation for over twenty hours. The day began with stiffness in my neck and an ache around my temples and brow bone. Migraines are typically a long process, which begins slowly and climaxes in intolerable pain. The stiffness of my neck and facial muscles, as well as an irritated feeling in my scalp, are often the first warning signs of a migraine day. However, I chose to ignore the signs and à ¬tough it outà ® since I was late for class. Instead of my usual breakfast of dry cereal and water, I grabbed a cup of yogurt and a coke for the road.

Diana of the Crossways: A Novel :: Free Essays Online

Diana of the Crossways: A Novel Before reading Diana of the Crossways it is important to understand the facts surrounding the life of George Meredith, as corresponding elements can be found in many of his works. George Meredith was born on February 12, 1828 in Portsmouth. During his early years he faced several accounts of hardship. His mother died when he was hardly five years of age. Shortly after her death, George Meredith's father, Augustus, inherited a failing business and heavy debts from his own father. Augustus was forced to declare bankruptcy and travel to London to earn a living, leaving young Meredith in the care of relatives. At age fifteen, Meredith attended the Moravian school at Neuwied on the Rhine. He remained there for less than two years accounting for his only formal education. Meredith was apprenticed to Richard Stephen Charnock who introduced Meredith to his literary circle of friends. Among them were Edward Peacock and his sister Mary Ellen Nicolls. Mary Ellen Nicolls can be described as havi ng lively intelligence and wit. This seems to characterize many of Meredith's heroines. They married in 1849, but they had very little success as a couple. Since they were both intelligent and demanding they desired more from the relationship. In 1858 Mary Ellen Nicolls eloped with artist Henry Wallis ending her relationship with Meredith. From here, Meredith married his second wife Marie Vulliamy who was the contrast of Mary Ellen Nicolls. She was a very practical, domestic woman who was a good hostess and housekeeper. It is quite ironic that Meredith would desire a helpmeet relationship when all of his works surround the independent, headstrong woman. Meredith was an energetic man who would frequently toss around a weight nicknamed "the beetle" for exercise. In the 1870's Meredith began to develop symptoms of locomotor ataxia, which crippled him. In 1892 Meredith was elected president of The Society of Authors, a position that was previously held by Alfred Lord Tennyson. In 1905 h e was awarded the Order of Merit. Over the years, Meredith became increasingly disabled and deaf before passing away on May 18, 1909 (Casal, The Victorian Web). During his lifetime Meredith produced fifteen novels, eight poetry collections, and countless minor works; most of which are out of print today. His best work is characterized by brilliant insights, carefully chosen diction, and powerful imagery. Diana of the Crossways is rich and interesting with realistic characters that come alive for the reader.

Aging: A Natural Process and New Stage of Life

Death: And They Bade Goodbye Loss is a usual incident in human existence (Becker, page 9). It primarily incites high prominence in both personal and social responses. Through scientific approaches, awareness to the complexity and influence of loss to humans’ acclimatization and collective responses has come to pass in the 20th century. Development of grief therapy and grief counselling was contributed by the clinical needs of people struggling with various losses. Preventive psychiatry was originated by numerous crisis-intervention programs and teams.Crisis teams were pulled together to manage disaster situations and suicide-prevention programs were recognized in many communities. Mutual-help groups were started to work in response to increasing demands for strengthening those who have lost their loved ones. Reception of loss and bereavement is a serious human problem. Deteriorating Function: Body Weakens Persons with rational and progress disability persistently face hindranc es in accessing services in community. As they become old and be on their late years, they are at great risk for functional decline.Some studies have demonstrated that older adults suffered from being apprehensive about their health status (Williams and Nussbaum, page 143). They are so much worried that deterioration of physical functioning and illnesses might brought them little space in the society and might render them unable to live independently. In addition, after serious illnesses like heart disease, stroke, and fracture, anxiety disorders often appear. Advanced practice nurses acknowledged a number of active health-related predicaments for aging people with an intellectual and developmental immobilization that had latent consequences on function and survival.Reduced Income: Smaller Penny Retirement and subsequent change of financial situation made many elderly worried about their lives. Economic downturn in recent years augmented their concern about the employment and income of their adult children. The only intervention to remedy this situation is to secure the elders about their needs. Social World: Closing Doors Nursing intervention may prevent or ameliorate some functional decline. Social decline may sometimes happen progressively and is not reversible.This deterioration often goes together with illnesses like chronic and terminal disease states such as Parkinson’s disease, dementia, degenerative joint disease, cancer, and heart failure. Social status is influenced as physiological aging changes and as adaptation to the physical environment transform. Acceptance of the social world to elders is a contingent and it involves proper motivation (Thomas, page 349). Additional impediment of social decline comprises incontinence, loss of independence, decreased socialization falls, malnutrition, and increased risk for long-term institutionalization and depression.Nurses have been foremost players in confronting the challenges of taking care of olde r adults over the past 50 years. Defeating new challenges of the 21st century will require nurses to move beyond the conventional ways of thinking about old aged. Advancement in national and international programs that gears towards meeting the human needs, including large numbers of people will require new perspectives on giving care and new forms of leadership in interdisciplinary efforts to help old persons in all parts of the world be as comfortable and healthy as can be as they cherished every moment of their latter years.